Home Page >> Fascism & Question of Religious Minorities >> GUJARAT: Making of a Fascist State
GUJARAT: Making of a Fascist State
Shovan
Aug 2008
To the revolutionary working class representatives Gujarat ought not to remain restricted in discussions as a problem of Moditva variety of fascism and the failed electoral opportunism of the opposition—the Congress, the sham communists and others.
Grossly looking at the Modi brigade's functioning, the attack on Christian missionaries in tribal areas, the 2002 genocide, the assault on art students of Sahuji Maharaj University on charges of demeaning Hindu gods, the Sohrabuddin-Koserbi fake encounter killings and the latest sedition charges brought against the Times Of India resident editor and journalist of Ahmedabad by the Police Commissioner of Ahmedabad for an article criticizing his past role amply speaks about the out and out authoritarian, fascist ways of the ruling party and the state apparatus in Gujarat.
The Times Of India, naturally due to its class position, did never complain (let alone oppose) anything strongly and consistently about the subhuman existence of the contractual wage slaves in Gujarat on whose toil and blood the state thrived to become Resurgent Gujarat (now in the limelight after getting TATA blessing with the NANO factory); they have always been in favour of capitalism, imperialism as such and then the so called ‘reforms' in line with Globalisation-Liberalisation which are increasingly hard pressing the workers and toiling peasants of the world and the earth itself. Nonetheless, we the working class of India, naturally due to our class position, stand against the fascist harassment inflicted on Times Of India, because fascist attempt against anybody should not go unopposed, because it is the duty of the working class to resist and fight fascism.
On the other side of the electoral battle in Gujarat the electoral opportunism of the opposition parties was also clearly seen during the last assembly elections. They utilized the dissident BJP leaders like Gordhan Zadhapia – the villainous home minister of Gujarat during 2002, Nilesh Luhar—another RSS leader who led anti-Christian violence in 2000 etc… “Sadhu Yatras” were organized. Further they stood for the same state system that resulted in the numerous farcical dramas in the name of justice like Zaheera Sheikh's Best Bakery case. About the Sohrabuddin—Koserbi fake encounter killings while the main culprit, DGP Vanzara went on openly retorting “such encounter killings are common through out the country”, the Congress led opposition had no real answer. After all in the name of anti-terror action they themselves are also repeatedly utilizing the armed forces and draconian laws to carry on torture and fake encounter killings in different regions— Kashmir, North-East, Punjab, Bihar,…. In fact the Gujarat's masses have themselves seen regional/local Congress leaders openly participating in the 2002 genocide.
More important questions lie beneath these oft repeated discussions of the obvious things visible on the surface. Such questions are like: How Is The Fascist Mission Of The Modi-Led Brigade Acquiring Importance Vis-À-Vis The Different Classes In Gujarat's Society? How Is The Ruling Classes Reacting To It ? What Is The Nature Of Danger And Weakness That The Revolutionary Working Class Is Carrying In The Present Contest? And in the quest to properly comprehend that- How Did The Roots Of This Fascist Mission Get Entrenched In Gujarat's Society? Their may be other important, pertinent questions for the working class movement. But for the time being let us try to get into some of those already raised above.
On the question of development, globalization and neo liberal policies even, Modi flaunted the success-story of his regime. Posters flooded Modi's election campaign with Modi seen beside Ratan Tata and Ambani. Well, none can deny the fact that for several decades Gujarat is one of the topmost industrialized states of the country. 1/4 of the total foreign investment for this country reaches Gujarat.
And the danger posed by the fascist forces start from here. It has posed before the working class and toiling masses the dangerous dimensions it has acquired to further its politics in the service of the ruling classes' oppression and exploitation of the masses. The latest evidence of such inhuman exploitation emerged forcefully before us from the debris of a defeated, divided and suppressed section during the outburst of about fifteen to twenty thousand diamond workers at Bhavnagar. The fire of that struggle in no time spread to other diamond industry areas in Surat, Ahmedabad. That is why the big-bourgeoisie controlled big media was seen last time during the elections to acquiesce and backup Modi's victory as ‘a referendum on Modi and he won it hands down.' Even during and after the 2002 Gujarat genocide, the big bourgeoisie of this country, the media, which is in its service, continuously dealt with and criticized the brutal rape, killing and butchering of the Muslims. 22 past presidents of the CII met before an Annual Meeting, especially to build consensus opposing the genocide and formed a committee on Social Integration. But now that position seems to have changed in favour of Modi. Modi's role is being recognized as an adapt implementer of the neo-liberal, globalization policies in one of the top industrialized state in the country. Modi brand of fascism has, in spite of apparent frictions with some other Sangh Parivar sections due to his authoritarianism, proved itself of being an astute protector of the imperialist and big bourgeois adopted policies in the economic, social and political arenas of the state. This is the real danger.
Especially so, when signs of reawakening of workers and even peasant section are seen to be emerging against globalization policies, of course elsewhere in isolated regions of the country like industrial areas of Bengal and among peasant in Kalingnagar, Raygarh, Posco, Singur and Nandigram. In fact when the arousal of the diamond workers in Gujarat itself recently may also carry long reaching significance for the working classes' struggle for democracy and liberation.
In such a situation Gujarat has emerged as the representative of a completely opposite type of social and political turmoil led by the ruling classes, wiping out any voice of dissent or revolt against it policies, Amidst the backwardness of far-flung regions inhabited by Adivasis, the impoverishment of Dalits, Muslims and thousands of pauperized poor the cult of capital is overwhelming the disintegrated enslaved masses by its “Globalized” “Resurgent Gujarat!” And it is being hailed by the big bourgeoisie and the imperialists. The state has been conferred the No.1 status in ‘Economic Freedom Index' in the country, a virtue bestowed as per the criteria laid out by the international think-tanks of globalization—more business conducive, more competitive, more open entry and exit for capitalist, greater opportunity for investors and least no. of man days lost due to strikes and lockouts. All hail for the intense, unhindered exploitation of the right-less, strife-torn, disintegrated toiling masses! Modi and his hindutva brigade has struck deep roots within society revealing its necessity and utility in the present big-bourgeois-land lord system.
To the proponents of such industrialization, a la imperialist style, it has brought to the fore, the perverted nature of social and economic development that only supports and nourishes the ground for extremely authoritarian, exploitative rules. Since the decades of end-1980s and 1990s of the last century, the numerous nationalized textile mills have been closed, pauperizing and de-classing thousands of organized sector workers. Whatever lower form of unity they achieved—like Dalit-Muslim unity—it has been torn apart reverting them to their exclusive, pre capitalist social identities in the midst of vain attempts to eke out new livelihoods within continually aggravating tensions of globalization in all spheres of their lives. These textile mills, once the backbone of Gujarat's economy, has been dismantled without much resistance with the adoption of the globalization policies by the central and state govt. In its place a major section of the upcoming industries are in small, unorganized sector employing workers deprived of even the statutory wages, benefits or rights. The wage difference between the public and private sector industrial workers in the state is second highest among the top ten industrialised states in the country. Gujarat is the claimant to the largest ship breaking yard in Asia, at Alang. But it employs thousands and thousands of contract workers in dehumanised existence and hazardous working conditions, amidst repeated fatalities and occupational diseases. The highly exploited diamond polishing young workers are turning blind in their thirties. The textile dyeing workers in private mills are succumbing to recurrent diseases. Vapi and its chemical hub regions—famous for its large cluster of well known chemical industries has also became famous as one of the worlds top ten worst toxic hubs. Even the official human development parameters state that 65% of states medium and large industries and 45% of small industries are highly polluting. Over and above this intense exploitation of workers for decades, the secret of Gujarat's industrial development, Gujarat has also been the pioneer state in establishing Special Economic Zones well before the central Govt. passed the SEZ law in 2005. Post-90's with advent of economic reforms, most of the industries established are more and more capital intensive with less employment and shorn of all stipulations meant for workers.
Side by side this ruling class path of industrialization the old vestiges of pre-capitalist times present in society instead of being wiped out have acquired distorted, venomous forms vitiating the whole of society more and more.
The state bordering Pakistan was from its formation in 1960 became a fertile ground for RSS's hindutva brand of communal fascist ideology with many refugees coming from Pakistan getting influenced by it. The 1965 Indo-Pak war, the shelling of an area near Dwarka temple by Pak navy, the killing of incumbent chief minister Balwantrai Mehta provided immediate fodder. The Jana Sangh emerged, the Hindu Dharma Raksha Samiti was formed and instead of making the masses conscious of the imperialist designs behind dividing the sub-continent and the ruling classes collaboration with it, in the decade of 60's a series of riots targeting muslims was instigated and organised. A series of 2938 riots occurred between 1960-1969 culminating in the mass killing of 1500 people in 1969. Thus the foundation of RSS's fascist politics, the techniques of its mobilization and orchestration of the masses was laid in the state.
It was no coincidence, that during the same time, the strength and domination of the upper-caste conservative elements in the state, the Brahmins and Banias, was proved beyond doubt with the major chunk of the Congress leadership coming from these sections allying in the Congress (O) and later in the block of Cong(O), Jana Sangh and Swatantra Party opposed to the other split faction of Congress(R) led by Indira Gandhi. It was the decade of 60's when economic stagnation , inflation led to anti-Congress agitations throughout the country. The masses on a wide scale were getting disgruntled with the Congress rule serving the capitalist and landlords. Indira Gandhi sought to win them over with so-called populist, progressive slogans of nationalization, stopping of privy purses of erstwhile princes, and land reform legislation. While workers and peasants were more and more participating in struggles against attacks on their livelihood in some part of the country, and 8 states non-Congress govt. were formed, Gujarat became a hot bed of the reactionary politics of upper caste patronized, RSS organized riots targeting Muslims.
With the development of the country's economy along the ruling classes' adopted Jünker path, including the much hyped rich peasant promoting green revolution, the politics of upper caste domination and hindutva ideology gathered further momentum in Gujarat acquiring newer forms. The Congress party's umbrella coalition of different castes and strata of society catering to the ruling classes started disintegrating. In the scene appeared a new aspirant to the ruling class dominated till then by Brahmins and Banias. They were the Patel or Patidar community, the dominant landed caste of Gujarat. In Saurashtra, they benefited from the abolition of Zamindari system by becoming landowners, and in central and north Gujarat they further secured their landed interests by scuttling land reforms, evicting tenants or utilizing land reform legislation. With accumulation of capital and diversification to urban business and industrial manufacturing this stratum of Gujarat's society moved upward from intermediate Shudra caste emerging as the new aspirant to the coalition of provincial bourgeoisie. Through the period of 70s, during the authoritarian repressive rule of Congress(I) when a state of emergency was declared and in early 80s this stratum more and more consolidated within BJP's fold, which was earlier based mainly on the Brahmin-Bania social base, and also within Janata Party-Janata Dal groups in opposition to the Indira Congress. Indira Congress party's KHAM alliance card did help that party to win successfully in the 1980 Gujarat election, but it further consolidated the emerging new conservative savarna alignment of Brahmins, Banias and Patels on the other side. The violent anti-reservation agitation of 1980-81 in the state led by these upper castes were evidence of this. Dalits were burnt alive and the lower castes aspirations drubbed.
But the KHAM alliance represented 70-75% of Gujarat's population. The lower castes assembled in it still formed a significant opposing force to the upper caste agenda. So promoted by upper caste , the Sangh Parivar outfits started further widening its social base with its hindutva agenda targeting Muslims. Schools, cultural organizations and various reform based institutions in the line of hindutva ideology were started in impoverished Adivasi and Dalit inhabited areas. Dalits were for the first time invited to Rath Yatras. It was a phase when opposition to the Congress party mainly representing the interest of big-bourgeos and landlords throughout the country, that is anti Congress-ism was represented by a coalition of forces assembled in BJP and Janata Dal alliance. It culminated in the Janata Dal-BJP coalition govt. in Gujarat headed by Chimanbhai Patel in 1990 after the defeat of Congress(I). With the fall of V. P. Singh govt., amidst rise of upper caste reactions to reservation policies the situation throughout the country took a further right turn. Adding to that situation emerged the intense, reactionary mobilisation of Rath Yatra for Ayodhya by the Sangh Parivar. The Janata Dal-BJP alliance also broke in Gujarat. Chimanbhai Patel allied with the Congress and Gujarat's major section of provincial bourgeois decidedly shifted towards the Hindutva brand of politics.
It was during the 90s the whole country was witness to violent attacks on churches and Christian missionaries in the tribal belts of Gujarat. The forcible encroachment of Sangh Parivar outfits to include the poor Adivasi masses in their fascist mission had come to a high pitch. The Dalits were also being weaned away into the fascist fold. The aggravating tensions in society amongst the masses, the exploitations taking extreme forms, the pauperisation—all results of liberalization and globalization policies went on precipitating more dissension and helplessness. There was no organisation to lead them along the path of revolt against the present system and its imperialist led capitalist policies. The Sangh Parivar with its reactionary ideology instead made further deep inroads within Gujarat's lower rungs of society, the Dalits and Adivasi became tools of its violent missions. In such a condition the BJP's ascent to power in Gujarat and later the central govt. culminated in the mass scale genocide of 2002 legitimising it through the 2008 election.
The perverted economic development from the top resulting in further affluence for upper sections of society and deterioration in the lives of the poor, toiling, brought about such social turmoils in the state. And in the absence of any true force of the masses those were repeatedly utilized by the dominant caste and classes to consolidate the masses in favour of their ruling class ideology that increasingly tilted towards Sangh Parivar's fascist ideology. The riots of 1960s and split in the Congress party, the Navanirman movement of 1974, the anti-emergency movement of the mid 1970s, the anti reservation violences of 1981,1986… all bore the seeds of this more and more. Communalism, and more important the fascist ideology breeding it, got implanted in Gujarat socially and politically. The peculiar brand of late capitalism in its path of development from the top gave the pre-capitalist vestiges – casteism, communal divide etc….. not only life support but revived those into a venomous cauldron. Came 2007 and it has been shown that the thoroughly communalised state and the communalised majority down to the lower rungs of society have converged to Modi's and Sangh Parivar's hindutva. The social and political tension of globalization is also more and more justifying the necessity of such a rule for the ruling class. For instance, NRI Patels, the major section of NRIs in America have openly funded the Sangh Parivar. The US govt. has maintained a studied silence during 2002 genocide and Gujarat has remained an attractive destination for its imperialist capital. The big bourgeoisie of this country has also recognized Modi's acumen as a pro-globalization leader.
But a question still remains. If this peculiar brand of late capitalism succeeded in reaching such a stage led by the reactionary ideology of the ruling classes over such a long span of time, why wasn't there any challenge opposing it from the oppressed exploited masses? Why could Gujarat become the first successful laboratory of the fascist experiment in India? Generally speaking, we can say that such a challenge from the toiling masses, especially from large number of industrial proletariat meant building up a revolutionary democratic movement from below cutting across caste, religion, ethnicity challenging the ruling class path of development. That in the present imperialist era could only have been forged by a revolutionary working class party impregnated with the ideology of scientific socialism. And India is unlucky in the sense that it didn't have a party like that so far. Plus there were other hurdles too in organising Gujarat's workers in a class party.
As for example: The continuing influence of the Gandhian philosophy, its reformative, accommodative character remained as a big obstacle. The nascent militant textile workers movement erupted in as early as 1918 with its strike struggle. But that spirit of the fighting workers was compromised to build up a special type of workers organization, the “Majur Mahajan”, based on the Gandhian values and principles. Even today the textiles manufacturers boast of it saying—“He guided it as a model to be emulated else where in India, making it one of the best organized trade unions in India. It has evolved a unique and highly successful system of industrial arbitration. For the last 80 years Ahmedabad has enjoyed industrial peace, as no other city in India—thanks to the “Majur Mahajan” which has imbibed and inherited the traditions of old Mahajans of Gujarat”. Thus the nationalized textile mills were closed, private and informal textile production units cropped up, many thousands of workers, a large section Dalits, were pauperized but there was no resistance. Later many such Dalit workers became tools for violence initiated by Sangh Parivar organizations. Unions have also been formed in other industries but simply economist, legalist ones. The Gandhian socialists or reformists leading many of them never led the unionized workers outside their factory level circle into radical social movements.
Wherever from time to time militant union struggle erupted for a short tome the particularly repressive culture of the state revealed through ruling classes' actions. In 1960 the fighting railway workers of Dahod were mowed down by police, killing 5 of them . In 1981 the struggle of contract workers of Atul in Vabad clashed with contractors and owners and the police openly protected the latter killing 1 worker and injuring many. In 1987 TADA was applied on Reliance workers agitating in Ahmedabad to crush the struggle. Then in Gujarat for decades there has been a vast number of workers employed as contract labours or in unorganized sectors virtually without any right, remaining outside the realm of any union struggle. No working class movement, class-conscious in real sense, emerged that could combat these attacks and lead all the toiling masses towards democratization of society. Rather reformism and Majur Mahajan concepts submitted the toiling classes before the employers and Bania classes who were considered to be the trustees of the whole of society.
Similar is the case of Gujarat's Dalit movement. Instead of getting radicalized it also remained restricted within the perimeters of Gandhian reformism. With the emergence of the radical Dalit Panthers movement in Maharashtra some hopes were raised only in the later stages but that was also dashed soon with its disintegration. Increasingly NGOs penetrated the Dalit areas, international funding started coming in and the Dalits got shackled in the ideas of their amelioration through slow gradual reforms. The concepts of mass struggle, radical Dalit movements crumbled.
Thus the widespread influence of reformist ideology among the exploited oppressed masses led to accommodation and adjustments within the exploitative system dissipating any chances of revolt generated at the grassroot level. But with passage of time and continuing increased exploitation disillusionment with the existing system spread creating dissensions which slow painful reforms could not absorb. In the absence of a real revolutionary organization and repeated betrayal by the Congress and other reformist parties this precipitated more and more towards a mass reactionary consolidation led by the fascist Sangh Parivar organization. More and more it led to the revolts against the existing system in a reactionary way. Thus Gujarat 2007 has not been built in one day, nor during Modi's ten year only. It is a result of the combination of decades of failed democratization of society and the recent attacks of globalization.
Gujarat 2008 showed us the struggle of diamond workers—they crossed the Lakshman-Rekha drawn by their collaborationist TU leaders. When both Modi and Zadhapia came to stand by the side of diamond sector capitalists and urged central govt to extend helping hand to protect capitalists from US recession… when Babubhai Jirawala, president of the Surat Diamond Workers Association, says in a conciliatory note that the only way the diamond-polishing industry can be sustained is by striking a balance between the interests of the owners and that of the workers — the workers, without bothering their hero 's or mentor 's call, started and widened their strike of their own, fought their battle, lost a fellow worker in firing…. Cannot one hold some renewed expectation?
Ref:
1. Interview of Mukul Sinha by Yoginder Sikand
2. Article by Ashim Roy – Revolutionary Democracy-Sept,2002
3. The Social Engineering of Gujarat—Hemant Babu, www. countercurrents.org.
4. From Stealth to Aggression– Hirwaij & Mahadevia
5. State & Repressive Culture, A Case Study of Gujarat, Akshay Kumar, Ramanlal Desai, google books
6. Action Aid
7. The Regional Roots of Developmental Politics in India, Aseema Sinha
8. Organizer 5th June 2005
9. The Hindu 5th May 2002
10. www.flonnet.com, Vol 25, 5-18th Jan 2001
Home Page >> Fascism & Question of Religious Minorities >> GUJARAT: Making of a Fascist State